[BREAKING] INTERVIEW: Jonathan’s unresolved rift with Amaechi still hunting PDP – Farah Dagogo

Dr Farah Dagogo is a former member of the House of Representatives, as ex-governorship aspirant in Rivers State. He was also a member of the state House of Assembly. The staunch member of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in this interview with DAILY POST, speaks on the party’s crisis and governance in Rivers State. Excerpts!

Your Party, the PDP, is on the precipice, with crises one after the other. Do you think there will be a way back for the PDP, especially now that Nigerians are yearning for a viable opposition ahead 2027?

Yes. Nigerians are expecting a whole lot from the PDP. But regrettably, my party has not lived up to that billing because of in-house fighting. These so-called crises are selfishly created by few individuals to bolster their inordinate ambition to the detriment of the party and to a bigger extent, a larger section of Nigerians who are looking up to it for a viable option.

I have said it and will still repeat it. The PDP put itself in this mess prior to the 2015 elections where some individuals impressed it on then President Goodluck Jonathan to tactically make the then Rivers State Governor, Chibuike Amaechi, irrelevant in the PDP, and pushed him out.

That unfortunate action forced Amaechi and other governors out of the PDP to strengthen the then opposition APC. What did we (PDP) get in return? We retained or recaptured Rivers State from the APC, by virtue of Amaechi decamping to the APC. We won that battle in Rivers State and lost the war, the Presidency, which was the most important one.

So, it is safe to say that we sacrificed the Rivers State election for the Presidency. If selfish pursuits were jettisoned then and the differences between Jonathan and Amaechi were reconciled, Amaechi and other governors, including other strong party members would not have left the PDP for APC.

As at then, Amaechi was not contesting for any elective position. He was about serving off his second term. President Jonathan on the other hand was in the race for a second term. If only the forces around Jonathan had allowed him to reconcile with Amaechi, it wouldn’t have been like this.

But, the selfish interest of one individual, who destroyed the zoning arrangements in Rivers State, boomeranged and cost us the war and we lost the Federal. That was all. What has to be done now is for a complete overhaul of the existing leadership structure of the party. As it is now, I agree with you that it is all gloomy, but it is never too late to do the right things.

The body language of your party’s Presidential Candidate in the 2023 elections, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, suggests that he might likely contest for the 2027 elections. You were in the forefront of those who supported him then, especially from the Niger Delta and your state, Rivers. Will you still support him in the next election cycle?

It would be quite insensitive to Nigerians to be talking of 2027 elections considering what the populace are going through. Nigerians are suffering and are going through the hardest and harshest periods of their lives. My support for the Turakin Adamawa is consistent with my principle.

When I believe in an idea, it remains so. My support for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar is premised on conviction and that’s a major reason my steadfastness should not be surprising to anyone. People who know me are fully aware that if I am with you, I am with you. I don’t waver on my choice and stand. When it gets closer to 2027, we will talk. But, now, we are all surviving this unexplainable hardship.

You are a major stakeholder in the politics of Rivers State. You even attempted to contest for the Governorship elections before your arrest, detention and subsequent exoneration by the court. What is your take on the political malaise in the state? Would you say Governor Siminalayi Fubara has done well considering the political distractions and fights?

Yes, I am among those taken out of the picture and prevented from contesting that election to pave the way for Siminalayi Fubara to emerge as governor. All those are in the past now. The most important question now, which is greater is- The interest of the state or yours? Would you allow the state to thrive or would you burn down the state because of your personal interest?

Just as I have said in the past, all warring parties should eschew violence and gear their energies towards the development and prosperity of our dear state for a safe and conducive environment. This toxicity that is everywhere in the state has to be nipped in the bud if actually our desire to be in a position of authority is to better the lots of the common man. Because, tell me, would investors be willing to come in and invest in such a hostile environment?

Agreed, you are in the opposition, PDP, but with Nigerians as the targeted recipient. What would you advise the ruling APC led by President Bola Tinubu to do in ameliorating the sufferings of the people?

This issue is not about being in an opposition party or what have you. Is the current biting hardship differentiating between Party A or B? We are all affected. Just the same way you are buying things expensive so also it is for everyone. As politicians, we are equally bearing the brunts. You have to take care of your followers and supporters whether you are in office or not. President Tinubu is our president today. And to his credit, he has acknowledged at various fora that there is deep hardship in the country.

So, the way out of it lies with his government’s actions towards it. His policies, including economic and financial, have to be holistically reviewed to ameliorate this suffering. North, West, East and South, it is all a story of anguish. If truly the essence of government is about the people, Nigerians should not be facing and experiencing this unprecedented hardship.

As a member of the 9th National Assembly, you sponsored several bills and motions, can you tell us the ones you were most passionate about and regrets, if any, as it relates to the ones that didn’t get Presidential Assent?

While I was vying for that position, I had deep conversations and a firm covenant with the people I intend to represent. Most of it centred on ensuring that if elected as their representative, my focus will be on pursuing policies that will meet and cater for their most important needs and wants, as well as the country at large.

For instance, the idea behind the bill for the Federal Medical Centre, Bonny was to cater and address the health concerns of inhabitants of that area as a result of the consistent surge in the population of people in that area and Rivers State at large, owing to the oil explorative activities constantly ongoing on the Bonny Island, with the figures of persons increasing drastically, especially with the construction and expansion of the various Trains of the NLNG, that is still in progress.

That bill was imperative because the few health facilities on ground in Bonny were incapable of handling serious health-related ailments or emergencies.

In that sense, the availability of a good Health Care Facility, is not only critical at that point, and ought to be a matter of grave concerns to the government as the Federal Medical Centre will also serve as a means by the Federal Government to give back to the people considering what they (FG) are getting from NLNG.

Also, I was also able to propose and push for the pioneer STEAM Polytechnic education that would equip our students with competencies that will enable them to overcome personal challenges, pursue careers in technical fields such as software engineering or artificial intelligence, find creative solutions to difficult problems, and understand how the world works. Mind you, STEAM is an educational acronym for Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, Mathematics.

I took my time to explain all those to you so you will understand the concept, peculiarities of the locations and what they are lacking.

Of course, I was disappointed that after being passed into law by both Chambers of the National Assembly, it didn’t get the expected Presidential Assent before the expiration of the last administration. However, that idea is still alive and kicking as my successor in the House of Representatives is actively following it up.

I also championed the Youth Entrepreneurship Development Trust Fund bill. That proposed law was intended to stem the tide of unemployment and become a financial succour to the upcoming younger generations by setting aside a five percent capital estimate proposal from the Federation Account for the youths fund.

There were also bills that would have made it mandatory for multinational companies operating in the country to appoint Nigerians as their Chief Executive Officers (CEO). The bills are “Multinational Companies Appointment of Chief Executives (Regulatory) Bill” and “Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development Act (Amendment) Bill”.

There was also a Bill on National Polytechnic Commission sponsored by me and an amendment to the Constitution seeking for payment of the 13% derivation directly to the Host Communities. There are several of such bills that I was able to pursue, of course, with the support of my constituents and colleagues then. I wouldn’t say I have regrets but more of disappointment because if those bills had succeeded, the benefits to the people would have been enormous. However, those ideas are there in the open and would not die.

On the 13% derivation fund, you have been vocal about it and a bill to that effect was presented by you. What happened to that bill?

That bill was not targeted at any individual. Rather, it was a call for probity and accountability. The 13% was a constitutional provision and how the funds were meant to be executed were explicitly spelt out.

But, there were anomalies in its execution by past and current governors of the Niger Delta. They all erred in that regard. And as I have frequently said, it is a very sad commentary as it relates to the oil producing communities of the Niger Delta. The fund was constitutionally set aside to assist oil-producing communities to tackle infrastructural decay and degradation, with emphasis on the oil producing communities.

What it means basically is that in sharing the federation account revenue, 13 per cent should be set aside to assist the development of these oil-producing communities. More than two decades down the line, what is there to show for the humongous monies that have come in?

The governors, past and present, view it as free money. Between year 2000 and date, trillions from the 13% derivation principle have been shared to the Niger Delta governors, on behalf of the oil producing communities. Yet, the deplorable living conditions of the people from these oil-producing communities have remained nauseating and deplorable with the people battling and still reeking with the worst and highest form of poverty.

To your other question, you see, the National Assembly is a microcosm of Nigeria. Virtually everyone and all tribes are fully represented. It also comes with its politics. Because the majority will always have their way, there is a need for lobbying and horse trading. These are all the beauty, fun and hallmarks of parliamentary engagements. That bill came up during the heated agitation of PIB.

So, there was the need to thread with caution and that was because of the full awareness that some sections of Nigerians already believed that they have given the Niger Delta a whole lot and that mindset was fully displayed in the manner important sections of the PIB were voted out.

The drive behind the 13% was novel but the problems lie in its implementation by the governors. So, with that in mind, I was circumspect enough not to allow any window or openings to call for the repeal of the 13% derivation with the bandied notion that the then PIB would cater for it. It was very dicey.

Let me take you back to one of your motions on Constituency Delineation by INEC, what was the politics behind it?

There is no ambiguity to it whatsoever. It is straightforward. It is more of a wake-up call to INEC on its neglected responsibility. The Rivers State House of Assembly is short-changed in its membership as it stands now and INEC knows this. Degema Constituency for example, should have two constituencies in the State Assembly if things are done according to law.

Because, according to the law, the Rivers State House of Assembly is entitled to 39 members and not the 32 presently constituted. The law is clear on that and the electoral body vested with that power knows that. That motion was just a call to action. lt does not require the Electoral body to seek any amendments to the Constitution.

Section 91 of the Constitution explains how a state is qualified for state constituencies and I quote: “House of Assembly of a State shall consist of three or four times the number of seats which that state has in the House of Representatives provided that a House of Assembly of a state shall consist of not less than twenty-four and not more than forty members.”

Rivers State has 13 members in the House of Representatives and a 32 member state House of Assembly. By interpretation of the constitution, Rivers State is qualified for an additional seven State constituencies, to increase its number to at least 39 state constituencies’ seats.

Mind you, it is not only Rivers State that was short-changed, but other states such as Plateau, Oyo, Sokoto, Borno, Anambra, Bauchi, Delta, Akwa Ibom and many more are also adversely affected by INEC’s failure to discharge this obligation.

INEC is also empowered by Section 114 (1) of the Constitution to review the division of every State into constituencies at intervals of not less than 10 years.

Sadly, It is more than 20 years since the last delimitation was done. Take a look at the population of the country and registered voters; it has increased exponentially, thereby underscoring an urgent review for proportional and fair representation.

The Constitution is supreme to any other law and we should toe and follow it to the letters with strict adherence to laid down procedures as clearly stated in sections 91, 112 and 114. So, if you see it as politics, that’s the politics of it then.